clearly differentiate between the king's two bodies , but also underscore the
flawless nature of the political body . They emphasize the political body's
immunity to all diseases common to the body natural all the while highlighting the
growing ...

Proposes a restoration of American political life and a reinvigoration of the American body politic.

current since the days of Plato.23 my view of political science that the microscope
What is the purpose of medicine ? The health proved so important an instrument
of physioof the body . What therefore is the knowledge logical knowledge , and ...

Proceedings of the 1997 Australasian Political Studies Association Conference
29 September - 1 October 1997 Department of Politics, The Flinders University of
South Australia Australasian Political Studies Association. Conference George ...

In late sixteenth-century Venice, nearly 60 percent of all patrician women joined convents, and only a minority of these women did so voluntarily. In trying to explain why unprecedented numbers of patrician women did not marry, historians have claimed that dowries became too expensive. However, Jutta Gisela Sperling debunks this myth and argues that the rise of forced vocations happened within the context of aristocratic culture and society. Sperling explains how women were not allowed to marry beneath their social status while men could, especially if their brides were wealthy. Faced with a shortage of suitable partners, patrician women were forced to offer themselves as "a gift not only to God, but to their fatherland," as Patriarch Giovanni Tiepolo told the Senate of Venice in 1619. Noting the declining birth rate among patrician women, Sperling explores the paradox of a marriage system that preserved the nobility at the price of its physical extinction. And on a more individual level, she tells the fascinating stories of these women. Some became scholars or advocates of women's rights, some took lovers, and others escaped only to survive as servants, prostitutes, or thieves.

Political after the additional supply has been produced . Their have already
alluded , the frequent difficulty of deciding Political Economy , increase , therefore
, is generally contemporaneous with a whether a given revenue ought or ought
not ...

Traces the post-Reconstruction roots of the slow violence enacted on black people in the U.S. through the politicization of biological health

A political organization was soon after formed , and , under the name of the Anti -
Masonic party , it exercised an influence which is felt to this day in the politics of
the State . Judge Rochester left home soon after the fall election in 1826 , to ...

When parties of political parties has no share in that progand estates are
coincident this danger is not so Whether good or bad , such as they were great ,
for the estates know that they are only a from time out of mind , they remain to this
very ...

Man's age being universally reckonmean the body politic of the county as a ed by
the revolution of the seasons , or permanent coinmunity , without reference years
; and every one entering upon his to the individuals who at the time or pe- ...

This second volume continues the story told in the first by focusing on the writings of a selection of thinkers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in England, the German speaking world and in France, ending with the debate around the French Revolution of 1789. The thinkers discussed include Thomas Hobbes, John Selden, Sir Matthew Hale, John Locke, Samuel Clarke, Johannes Althusius, Samuel Pufendorf, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Jean Barbeyrac, the author of the anonymous Militaire philosophe, Claude Buffier, l’abbé de Saint-Pierre; Jean-Jacques Burlamaqui, Montesquieu, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, l’abbé de Sieyès, Jeremy Bentham, Immanuel Kant, Mary Wollstonecraft and Claude-Henri de Saint-Simon. The book ends with a discussion of the concept of administration, as we find it in the writings of Saint-Simon, which is seen as a point of transition to the discussion of themes of bureaucracy, technocracy and managerialism.

This is certainly an apt illustration of progression against the conformity of
political rank with social order . by antagonism . Mr. GLADSTONE was convinced
, and never The country discovered that an ungrammatical mechanic acted upon
his ...

ment are not binding on fire onerations , is founded on a mis conception of the
war winational contiunity § 9 The preceding observations appear to be sufficient
for characterisin the nature of political government and politic . society , and for ...

For three centuries, concepts of the state have been animated by one of the most powerful metaphors in politics: the body politic, a claustrophobic and bounded image of sovereignty. Climate change, neoliberalism, mass migration, and other aspects of the late Anthropocene have increasingly revealed the limitations of this metaphor. Just as the human body is not whole and separate from other bodies—comprising microbes, bacteria, water, and radioactive isotopes—Stefanie R. Fishel argues that the body politic of the state exists in dense entanglement with other communities and forms of life. Drawing on insights from continental philosophy, science and technology studies, and international relations theory, this path-breaking book critiques the concept of the body politic on the grounds of its very materiality. Fishel both redefines and extends the metaphor of the body politic and its role in understanding an increasingly posthuman, globalized world politics. By conceiving of bodies and states as lively vessels, living harmoniously with multiplicity and the biosphere, she argues that a radical shift in metaphors can challenge a politics based on fear to open new forms of global political practice and community. Reframing the concept of the body politic to accommodate greater levels of complexity, Fishel suggests, will result in new configurations for the political and social organization necessary to build a world in which the planet’s inhabitants do not merely live but actively thrive.

The rent in the body politic in the aftermath of the civil war obviously had
implications for any attempt to make sense of the link between the present and
the past . There was no contemporary newspaper with the standing to make
sense of the ...

In this sweeping analysis of colonialism and its legacies, John Wood Sweet explores how the ongoing interaction of conquered Indians, English settlers, and enslaved Africans in New England produced a closely interwoven, though radically divided, society. The coming together of these diverse peoples profoundly shaped the character of colonial New England, the meanings of the Revolution in the North, and the making of American democracy writ large. Critically engaged with current debates about the dynamics of culture, racial identity, and postcolonial politics, this innovative and intellectually capacious work is grounded in a remarkable array of evidence. What emerges from this analysis of colonial and early national censuses, newspapers, diaries, letters, court records, printed works, and visual images are the dramatic confrontations and subtle negotiations by which Indians, Africans, and Anglo-Americans defined their respective places in early New England. Citizenship, as Sweet reveals, was defined in meeting houses as well as in courthouses, in bedrooms as well as on battlefields, in land disputes as well as on streets. Bodies Politic reveals how the legacy of colonialism shaped the emergence of the nineteenth-century North and continues, even to this day, to shape all our lives.

Medieval social/political theory from Christine de Pizan, France's first female professional writer.

An account of the emergence of local partisan politics in the century after the English Civil War.

A re-examination of notable subjects in southern history through the unique lens of gender

A reflection on the metaphor of the body politic throughout American history